Category Freedom 7

THE VIEW FROM SPACE

In the book, We Seven, Shepard related his observations of the planet passing below:

My exclamation back to Deke about the “beautiful sight” was completely spontaneous. It was breath-taking. To the south I could see where the cloud

THE VIEW FROM SPACE

One of a small number of Earth observation photos taken by Shepard during his brief flight. (Photo: NASA)

cover stopped at about Fort Lauderdale, and that the weather was clear all the way down past the Florida Keys. To the north I could see up the coast of the Carolinas to where the clouds just obscured Cape Hatteras. Across Florida to the west I could spot Lake Okeechobee, Tampa Bay, and even Pensacola. Because there were some scattered clouds far beneath me I was not able to see some of the Bahama Islands that I had been briefed to look for. So I shifted to an open area and identified Andros Island and Bimini. The colors around these ocean islands were brilliantly clear, and I could see sharp variations between the blue of blue water and the light green of the shoal areas near the reefs. It was really stunning.

But I did not just admire the view. I found that I could actually use it to help keep the capsule in the proper attitude. By looking through the periscope and

focusing down on Cape Canaveral as the zero reference point for the yaw con­trol axis, I discovered that this system would provide a fine backup in case the instruments and the autopilot happened to go out together on some future flight.

It was good to know that we could count on handling the capsule this extra way – provided, of course, that we had a clear view and knew exactly what we were looking at. Fortunately, I could look back and see the Cape very clearly. It was a fine reference [15].

Years later, Wally Schirra told interviewer Francis French that Shepard’s remarks on his “beautiful view” were exaggerated due to his problems with the periscope. As Schirra explained, all the early astronauts felt they had some sort of obligation to say something nice about the view from space for public and press consumption. “It was just the game that people play. I’ll never forget alan Shepard, on the first manned American flight, saying something to the effect of ‘What a beautiful view.’ I asked him later, did you see anything at all? He said ‘I couldn’t see a damn thing through that periscope – but I had to say something nice!’” [16]

At 5 minutes 11 seconds into the flight, Freedom 7 reached the highest point of its ballistic arc at 115.696 miles. It now began its downward curve on a trajectory that was calculated to end with a splashdown somewhere near the naval recovery ships standing by in the waters near Grand Bahama Island, southeast of the Cape.

Deke Slayton began to recite the countdown for the retro-fire maneuver. Shepard used the manual control stick to point the spacecraft’s blunt end 34 degrees below the horizon in pitch and set both the yaw and roll angles to zero.

“I worked the controls to the proper angle to test fire the three retro rockets. They weren’t necessary for descent on this suborbital, up-and-down mission, but they had to be proven for orbital flights to follow, when they would be critical to decelerate Mercury spaceships from orbital speed to initiate their return to Earth.

“‘Retro one.’ The first rocket fired and shoved me back against my couch. ‘Very smooth.’ “‘Roger, roger,’ from Deke.

“‘Retro two.’ Another blast of fire, another shove.

“‘Retro three. All three retro have fired.’

“‘All fired on the button,’ Deke said with satisfaction.” [17]

Each retrorocket was to burn for approximately 10 seconds, and they were fired in sequence at five-second intervals. “There was just a small, upsetting motion as our speed was slowed and I was pushed back into the couch a bit. But, as the rockets fired in sequence, each pushing the capsule somewhat off its proper angle, I brought it back. Perhaps the most encouraging product of the trip was the way I was able to stay on top of the flight by using manual controls.” [18]

One minute after the last rocket fired, the package, its job done, blew off at T+6 minutes 14 seconds. Shepard felt the package jettison, and as he watched through the periscope he saw the straps that had held it in place begin to fall away. A green lamp was meant to illuminate on the instrument panel to indicate a successful jettison, but

THE VIEW FROM SPACE

As shown in this 1960 photo taken during testing at the Lewis Research Center, the spacecraft had a six-rocket retro-package affixed to the heat shield on its base. Three were posigrade rockets used to separate the capsule from the booster, and three were larger retrograde rockets to slow the capsule for reentry into the atmosphere. (Photo: NASA)

it failed to come on – the only signal failure of the entire mission. Knowing that the package had jettisoned, Shepard punched an override button and the light instantly illuminated.

Shepard verified Freedom 7’s HF radio, and then at T+6 minutes 20 seconds he orientated the vehicle into the reentry attitude with its blunt end 40 degrees below the local horizontal. Twenty-four seconds later the periscope retracted automatically.

FLOOD LIGHT

 

ASTRONAUTS WINDOW

 

WINDOW POLE

 

FLOOO LIGHT

 

MAIN PANEL

 

flashlight-

 

HATCH RELEASE INITIATOR

 

FLOOD IMM1

 

ENTRANCE HATCH

 

LEFT CONSOLE

 

FLOOD LIGHT

 

FUSE PANEL

 

WASTE CONTAINER

 

RIGHT CONSOLE

 

helium – bOTTLES

 

ESCAPE HATCH

 

TAPE RECORDER

 

THE VIEW FROM SPACE
THE VIEW FROM SPACE

The autopilot control function now allowed Shepard the freedom to conduct other flight-related functions. This included looking out through both portholes in the hope of gaining a general look at any stars or planets that might be visible, in addition to oblique views of the horizon. However, due to the Sun angle and light levels he was unable to see any celestial bodies.

 

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

Back on the USS Lake Champlain the spacecraft had been transferred below to the hangar bay, where Capt. Weymouth and his Executive Officer Cdr. Doner conferred briefly with Charles Tynan, NASA’s senior representative. Weymouth then climbed into Freedom 7 to get a feel for the cockpit, which he found was a little too small for him. He exited the hatch with the assistance of Cdr. Doner, who then took his turn to squeeze himself into the spacecraft.

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

A beaming Alan Shepard jokes with fellow passengers on the way to GBI. (Photo: Dean Conger/NASA)

 

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

Astronaut meets photographer: Alan Shepard shakes hands with Dean Conger. (Photo cour­tesy of Dean Conger/NASA)

After the ship had closed to within about eight miles of Florida during the night, Wayne Koons lifted off in Marine Corps helicopter #44 and as he hovered directly over Freedom 7 George Cox attached the harness to the spacecraft so that it could be ferried back to Cape Canaveral.

“The helicopter had to get very close to the capsule to connect the harness with the shepherd’s hook,” Ed Killian recalled. “Although that day one should really have renamed that apparatus a ‘Shepard’s hook.’ Anyway, the helo hovered, while the ten­sion on the sling was taken up. The helo then moved to starboard over the capsule and lifted it clear of the platform. Helo and capsule were vectored toward the beach, accom­panied by an escort. The platform that had held the capsule was then moved below as the helo and its package swung off into the distance. The capsule would be displayed for a period of time at Cape Canaveral.”

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

Capt. Weymouth exits the spacecraft with the assistance of Cdr. Landis Doner while Charles Tynan busies himself at left. (Photo courtesy of Ed Killian)

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

Pilot Wayne Koons eases Freedom 7 off the landing pad ahead of the delivery flight across to Cape Canaveral. (Photo courtesy of Ed Killian)

As Wayne Koons points out, “I don’t remember exactly where we set it down, but that’s when the news coverage came in earnest. There were print reporters and TV crews. At that time they did everything on sixteen-millimeter cameras. So they’d get us out with these cameras, and we did lots of interviews. It was a heady time.” [52] Despite Freedom 7 being the most celebrated piece of hardware in the world that day, its arrival at the Cape passed almost unheralded. Millions of television viewers had watched it ride atop the Redstone booster carrying Alan Shepard into space, but only 35 people – newsmen, engineers, guards – were on hand for its return. Set down just two miles from the launch pad that it had left the previous morning, Freedom 7 was given a brief examination and then hauled off to a hangar where, in the weeks to come, the engineers and technicians would go over it inch by inch.

For Ed Killian and the USS Lake Champlain, things quickly returned to normal. “That ended our participation in the first U. S. manned space flight and we headed home. It had been a long cruise, but we’d been a part of something truly historic.”

THE SKIPPER AND A TIGHT SQUEEZE

A recent photo of Ed and Kath Killian. (Photo courtesy of Ed Killian)

Frank Yaquiant of Baltimore, Maryland agrees. He joined the carrier in May 1960 as a member of the V-4 division, responsible for the aviation fuel the planes used. “I was very happy to have been on ‘The Champ’ that day. My shipmates and I were witnesses to something truly special. It’s been almost 52 years since that memorable day, and the science of space travel has advanced far beyond that available during the flight of Freedom 7. The achievements of those past 50-plus years may make the events of May 5, 1961 seem rather modest to the uninformed [today]. But this was America’s first venture into manned space travel, and those of us aboard the USS Lake Champlain that day have the pride and satisfaction of knowing we were there at the beginning.” [53]

As a footnote to the story, about ten years after Shepard’s flight, Ed Killian was dining with his family at Vargo’s restaurant in Houston when he became aware that Alan Shepard had just walked in. As Shepard was talking to a party of people who had greeted him at the door, Killian decided to introduce himself and strolled over. “As I drew near, the crowd began to break up. I offered my hand and said, ‘Admiral, I’m Ed Killian, and we haven’t met, but you may remember ‘Mercury, Mercury, this is Nighthawk. Do you read?’ He smiled and said ‘How could I forget?’ Then his eyes narrowed as if remembering more of the details. ‘That was you?’ I nodded, smiling. ‘Hmmm,’ he said, ‘I was pretty excited, wasn’t I?’ He tilted his head and raised his eye­brows, as if to ask a further question. I sensed that he was making an oblique reference to the private conversation we had had. ‘You had a right to be excited. So did we all,’ I observed. Satisfied with my response, he said, ‘Well, very nice to meet you,’ nodding and shaking my hand. He then turned back to his party and they were ushered to his table. I knew there was a wild world of differences between us, but I also knew the two of us shared a secret.”

Freedom 7 spacecraft pre-launch activities

Mercury Spacecraft #7, which became known as Freedom 7, was delivered from the McDonnell Aircraft Corporation plant in St. Louis, Missouri to Hangar S at Cape Canaveral on 9 December 1960. Upon delivery, the instrumentation system and selected items of the communication system were removed from the capsule to be bench treated. During this bench-test period, the capsule underwent rework which included the cleaning up of dis­crepancy items deferred from St. Louis and making changes to the capsule that were required to be made prior to beginning systems tests.

Systems test were begun as soon as all instrumentation and communications compo­nents were reinstalled in the capsule. These tests required a total of 46 days. During this period the electrical, sequential, instrumentation, communication, environmental, reaction control, and stabilization and control systems were individually tested. Included in the test of the environmental system were two runs in an altitude chamber with an astronaut installed in the capsule.

At the completion of systems tests, another work period was scheduled in which the landing bag system was installed on the capsule. Following this work period, a simulated flight test was performed, followed by the installation of pyrotechnics and parachutes. The capsule was then weighed, balanced, and delivered to the launching pad to be mated with the Redstone booster. Nineteen days were spent on the launching pad, prior to launch, test­ing the booster and capsule systems, both separately, and as a unit. Also, practice inser­tions of an astronaut into the capsule were performed during this period.

Simulated flight 1 with the booster was accomplished at the completion of systems tests on the launching pad. A change was then required in the booster circuitry which necessi­tated another simulated flight test (simulated flight 2). The capsule-booster combination was then ready for flight. The flight was postponed several days due to weather; however, this allowed time for replacing instrumentation components which were malfunctioning. A final simulated flight was then run (simulated flight 3). The capsule was launched two days after this final test.

MODIFICATIONS MADE

During capsule systems tests and work periods, both in Hangar S and on the launching pad, modifications were made to the capsule as a result of either a capsule malfunction or an additional requirement placed on the capsule. The most significant modifications made to Spacecraft 7 while at Cape Canaveral were as follows:

(a) Manual sensitivity control and a power cut-off switch were added to the VOX (Voice – Operated Transmitter) relay.

(b) A check valve was installed between the vacuum relief valve and the snorkel inflow valve.

(c) The cabin pressure relief valve was replaced with one which would not open until it experienced an equivalent head of 15 inches of water.

(d) Screens were added at the heat barriers upstream of the thrust chambers (downstream of the solenoid valves).

(e) The high-thrust pitch and yaw thrusters were welded at the juncture between the thrust chambers and the heat barriers.

(f) The cables to the horizon scanners in the antenna canister were wrapped with reflective tape to minimize radio-frequency (RF) interference from capsule commu­nications components.

(g) The retro-interlock circuit was bypassed by installing a jumper plug in the amplifier-calibrator.

(h) Permission relays were installed to both the capsule-adapter ring limit switches and the capsule-tower ring limit switches.

(i) Capacitors were installed in the circuits to the orbit attitude, retro-jettison, and impact inertia arm time delay relays.

(j) Capsule wiring was changed to extend the periscope at 21,000 feet.

(k) The potting on the capsule adapter umbilical connectors was extended 0.75 inches from both connector ends and the connector was wrapped with asbestos and heat reflective tape. Also, the fairings over these connectors were cut away and a cover was added which provided more clearance between the fairings and the connectors.

(l) The lower pressure bulkhead was protected from puncture damage that might result from heat sink recontact. Aluminum honeycomb was added, bolts reversed, and brackets with sharp protrusions were potted solidly with RTV-90 and plates between the brackets and the bulkhead.

(m) Pitch indicator markings were changed from -43 to -34 degrees for retro-attitude indication

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE

Mercury-Redstone 1 (MR-1) was to be the first qualifying flight of an unmanned Mercury capsule mated with a Redstone rocket. The launch, set to take place from Pad 5 of Cape Canaveral’s Air Force Launch Complex 56, was to be a full test of the spacecraft’s automated flight controls, as well as the launch, tracking and recovery operations on the ground. It was also intended to provide a test of the Mercury – Redstone’s automatic in-flight abort sensing system, which would be operating in an “open loop” mode. Basically, this meant that because it was an unmanned test of the system and there were no real safety issues, an abort signal would simply be ignored in order to prevent a false signal from terminating the flight needlessly.

On 22 July 1960, after the capsule systems tests in St. Louis, Missouri, Mercury Capsule No. 2 was shipped to Huntsville, where the one-ton capsule was mated with its Redstone. Both then underwent a series of checks to ensure their compatibility. Next, the total assembly, now some 83 feet long, was shipped to Cape Canaveral, arriving on 24 July. The escape tower was then prepared, and hangar activities such as the installation of parachutes and pyrotechnics were completed in time to transport the spacecraft to the launch pad on 26 September, where the rocket, enclosed by the ser­vice structure gantry, was waiting.

The first launch attempt was set for 7 November, with the intent of hurling the cap­sule about 220 miles over the Atlantic into a target area northwest of Grand Bahama Island. Things went smoothly until a problem caused the test to be canceled 22 minutes prior to the planned time of liftoff. According to ‘Luge’ Luetjen from the McDonnell Aircraft Corporation, who was then serving as the company’s Redstone Mission Capsule Controller, “It was noted that the helium pressure in the spacecraft control systems had dropped below the acceptable level. A leak in the system, unfortunately under the heat shield, was obvious, and as a result the launch was scrubbed. The spacecraft was removed from the booster and the heat shield dropped to expose the culprit, a leaky relief valve. It, and a toroidal hydrogen peroxide tank were replaced, plus a minor wiring change was made as the result of an earlier test at Wallops Island, Virginia. The spacecraft was reassembled, remated to the booster, and appropriate tests rerun in order to confirm the spacecraft’s integrity and that the problem had indeed been fixed.” [5]

A second launch attempt was scheduled for 21 November. Two days after the 7 November launch scrub, Senator John F. Kennedy narrowly beat Richard M. Nixon, the incumbent vice president, in the election to become the 35th President of the United States. It would prove a momentous victory in terms of space flight history.

On hand to observe the second attempt to launch MR-1 – as indeed for the first – were the seven Mercury astronauts. That morning there was only a minor one-hour delay to enable technicians to fix a leak in the capsule’s hydrogen peroxide system, which slipped the time of liftoff to 9.00 a. m. (EST). There were no further delays. Right on the hour the firing command was issued from the Mercury Control Center. The booster ignited, then one second later the Rocketdyne A-7 engine unexpectedly shut down. During that interval, the booster had actually lifted a little less than four inches off its pedestal. After the engine cut off, the vehicle settled back down onto its

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE

The “clean room” at the McDonnell Aircraft plant in St. Louis, Missouri, where the Mercury capsules took shape. Extreme precautions were taken to prevent dust and metal particles infiltrating sensitive areas. In the upper photo, Spacecraft No. 2 is to the fore; it would be utilized on two Mercury-Redstone flights. (Photo: McDonnell Aircraft Corporation).

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE

Spacecraft No. 2 is hoisted prior to being mated with the waiting Redstone rocket in Huntsville. (Photo: NASA)

 

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE•r

""

On 21 November 1960 preparations continue for launching the MR-1 mission from Cape Canaveral. (Photo: NASA)
fins, slightly deforming their frames. Incredulous controllers in the blockhouse could only watch as the Redstone wobbled after the set-down impact, still venting liquid oxygen. Fortunately the 66,000-pound assembly managed to remain upright and did not explode.

Compounding the problem, the engine cutoff had initiated the emergency escape system, which activated the escape tower and recovery sequence. The escape tower’s engine suddenly ignited, releasing it from the Mercury capsule and sending it soaring over 4,000 feet into the air. Eventually, it crashed down on a beach 400 yards from the pad. As stated by NASA in This New Ocean: A History of Project Mercury, three seconds after the escape rocket separated, “the drogue parachute shot upward, and then the main chute spurted out of the top of the capsule, followed by the reserve, and both fluttered down alongside the Redstone.” [6] The radio antenna fairing was also ejected in the process.

Clearly, the only thing that would launch that day was the escape tower. One can only imagine the feelings of the astronauts as they witnessed the entire mishap.

Securing the slightly wrinkled booster and the still firmly attached capsule had to be carried out with the utmost caution, as the booster’s destruct system could not be disarmed until the battery that powered it had fully depleted, which was not until the next morning. Also, the spacecraft was still on internal power and its pyrotechnics – including the posigrade and retrograde rockets – were still armed. Furthermore, it was not possible to open the vent valves and undertake the defueling process. It was there­fore necessary to wait until the Redstone’s liquid oxygen had fully evaporated, which would take 24 hours. The other worrying safety issue was the main parachute, which was dangling from the top of the capsule. Any strong gust of wind could cause the canopy to billow and topple the vehicle off its pedestal. Fortunately, the weather remained calm.

The following day, Walter F. Burke of McDonnell volunteered to lead a squad of men to disarm the pyrotechnics and other immediate problems [7]. The liquid oxygen tank was vented, as were the high-pressure nitrogen spheres in the pneumatic system of the engine. The fuel and hydrogen peroxide tanks were then emptied. All circuits were deactivated, the service structure was rolled back in, and finally the booster and capsule disarming was finished. The next afternoon NASA’s Chief of Manned Space Flight, George M. Low, said that the MR-1 failure was believed to have been caused by the premature disconnection of a booster tail plug.

According to The Mercury-Redstone Project issued by the Marshall Space Flight Center in September 1961:

The investigation which followed found the cause of the engine shutdown to be due to a “sneak” circuit created when the two electrical connectors in Fin II disconnected in the reverse order. Normally the 60-pin control connector separates before the 4-pin power connector. However, during vehicle erection and alignment on the launch pedestal, a tactical Redstone control cable was substituted for the specially shortened Mercury cable. The cable clamping block was then adjusted, but apparently not enough to fully compensate for the longer Redstone cable.

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE

As the booster umbilical continues to fall away, the Redstone’s engine suddenly cuts off, triggering the solid-rocket jettison of the launch tower. (Photo: NASA)

 

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE

The escape tower plowed into beach sand some 400 yards from the pad. (Photo: NASA)

Because of the improper mechanical adjustments, the power plug disconnected 29 milliseconds prior to the control plug. This permitted part of a three-amp current, which would have normally returned to ground through the power plug, to pass through the “normal cutoff’ relay and its ground diode. The cutoff terminated thrust and jettisoned the escape tower [8].

Project Mercury Director Robert R. Gilruth added that a faulty electrical circuit between the ground apparatus and the booster had simulated a normal booster cutoff signal. Ordinarily, this would be given in flight, after the booster had been taken to its designed speed and altitude of about 40 miles. The normal sequence was then for the escape-rocket tower to separate; the recovery devices such as parachutes to be armed ready for deployment; and, when the booster’s thrust tailed off, the booster/capsule securing ring to be released. The separation of the escape tower took place normally, but the sea level atmospheric pressure led to the deployment of the drogue and main parachutes, and the weight of the capsule on the booster prevented its separation [9].

The late Guenter Wendt was a German-American engineer who had emigrated to the United States in 1949. He found ready employment with the McDonnell Aircraft

Corporation, and later became well known for his work in America’s space program. As the man in charge of the spacecraft close-out crew on the pad, he soon gained the respect of the astronauts. To the company his title was Pad Leader, but the astronauts jokingly (and affectionately) enjoyed referring to him as their “Pad Fuhrer,” and he fell in with their humor. Wendt had been at the Cape for the failed MR-1 launch, and described the follow-on events as he saw them during a 2001 interview with Francis French.

“When we started off, we had one Redstone that lifted off about four inches and set back down. It had a little kink in it, and we could not depressurize the tank – the tank was building up pressure. I go back to the blockhouse, and the next thing I hear are [Kurt] Debus and John Yardley discussing it. Debus tells the pad safety officer to call the base and get some guns, [because] he is going to shoot holes in the oxygen tank to relieve the pressure! John Yardley says, ‘Like hell you do! I have a perfect, safe spacecraft out there, it’s the only one I have right now. If you shoot holes, the thing is going to blow up and I’ll have no spacecraft!’

“So, what do we do? We get our engineers together to see what we could do to disarm the rocket. The first thing is, we have to get rid of the pressure in the oxygen tank. How can we do that? One of the ways is to send a mechanic out there, into the tail end of the rocket, to hook up a quarter-inch nitrogen line, then open up a hand valve. However, we don’t know what will happen, so when we open it, we run like hell back to the blockhouse! A guy by the name of Sonny came, he went out, opened it, ran like hell, and just about hit the blockhouse when a big stream of gas, tens of feet long, came out. But nothing blew up.

“Next, Yardley called me and said, ‘We’ve determined that, due to the sequencing – the main chute came out, the tower had left – the sequencer is looking at a half-G switch. When that thing activates, it will fire the retrorockets into the oxygen tank!’ So now, we are looking for someone to go out there and deactivate the circuitry. However, since the periscope had retracted, you have to drill out a bunch of rivets and open the periscope door, because the electrical umbilical plug is under it. Then four jumper wires have to be plugged in. So we were looking for people with no dependents to volunteer. If the retrorocket had fired, that would be it.

“After a long discussion, some of us volunteered to go out and do it. Before we did, we had Pad Safety set up a movie camera next to the blockhouse. If it blew, at least we’d know where the pieces went! We went up there. On the Mercury capsule, the hatch was bolted down with screws – you could move the washer, but the screws had to be tight. They had to be just matched. They needed to expand on the outside, because of the heat. I had a guy who had meticulously matched each screw to a perfect hole, and stored them on foam. We got up there, got the screws out and pitched them behind us. I will never forget that. We thought, he will kill us when he finds out what happened to his matched screws! We got the hatch open, found the two switches: click, click, and we were safe. We saved the spacecraft, though we needed a new booster.

“The people who made the decisions were right there, and they made the decisions. That’s what we got paid for!” [10]

MR-1 LAUNCH FAILURE

McDonnell Aircraft Corporation’s Pad Leader, Guenter Wendt. (Photo: NASA)

EARLY INFLUENCES

The man who would become the first American to venture into space was born on the upper floor of the family home in East Derry, on what he described many years later as the “bright autumn day” of 18 November 1923.

Alan Bartlett Shepard, Jr., was the first child born to Renza and Alan Shepard, Sr. While his mother had been born in Mobile, Alabama as Pauline Renza Emerson, she always preferred to be known by her middle name. Similarly, two years later, they named their new baby daughter Pauline, although everyone called her Polly.

Alan grew up on what was then a sprawling, picturesque small-town family farm. Even at an early age he knew the meaning of discipline. He and his sister had certain chores to perform, and their parents insisted that they be done at the prescribed time, ahead of any leisure time. Renza Shepard would later state that pursuing an orderly schedule of work and play helped Alan to develop a sense of duty.

“Our family did so much together that one member of the family could always depend on the cooperation of the rest,” Renza stressed. “A sense of patriotism was also important in our family, and it was instilled in our children at early ages. Our house was always full of Alan’s friends,” she added. “He was a happy-go-lucky boy, very easy to explain things to, and very cooperative. Oh, he got in the usual amount of mischief, I suppose, but never anything serious. But my, how active he was!” [5]

His father had been commissioned a first lieutenant in the Army and was based at Fort Devens, Massachusetts, later serving in France during the First World War. He was recalled to active duty in the Army during 1940, and became a colonel in the Army Reserves. Alan Shepard Sr. was a treasurer of the Derry Savings Bank, owned the Bartlett and Shepard Insurance Company, and served as an incorporator at the Amoskeag Savings Bank in nearby Manchester. For many years, he was a treasurer and trustee for the Pinkerton Academy and a member of the First Parish Church of Derry, where for many years he fulfilled the role of treasurer as well as being their long-time organist. Having begun playing the original pump organ there at the age of fourteen, he served as church organist for the next 60 years.

Young Alan obtained his early education at the nearby Adams public elementary school, formerly the Adams Female Academy, where even as a small boy he began to excel in mathematics. In an interview with the Academy of Achievement in 1991 he spoke with fondness about his first teacher, Bertha Wiggins, and the influence she had on him.

“She was about nine feet tall as I recall, and a very tough disciplinarian. Always had the ruler ready to whack the knuckles if somebody got out of hand. She ran a well – disciplined group. I think most of the youngsters responded to that. There were one or two that couldn’t handle it, and obviously they dropped by the wayside. But that still sticks in my mind. That’s the lady that taught me how to study, and really provided that kind of discipline, which is essentially still with me.” [6]

Shepard once skipped a grade because he was doing so well and Bertha Wiggins decided he needed to have more of a scholastic challenge. Although he often found it difficult, he rose to that challenge. “He was a little less bouncy in the classroom after that,” his mother reflected. After completing five years of study at Adams School, Shepard attended junior high at Derry’s Oak Street School.

END OF WEIGHTLESSNESS

At 230,000 feet, as Freedom 7 began to penetrate the fringes of the atmosphere, a relay was actuated in response to the onset of 0.05 g. As Shepard later explained, this indicated that the reentry phase had truly begun:

I had planned to be on manual control when this happened and run off a few more tests with my hand controls before we penetrated too deeply into the atmo­sphere. But the g-forces had built up before I was ready for them, and I was a

 

END OF WEIGHTLESSNESS

few seconds behind. I was fairly busy for a moment running around the cockpit with my hands, changing from the autopilot to manual controls, and I managed to get in only a few more corrections in attitude. Then the pressure of the air we were coming into began to overcome the force of the control jets and it was no longer possible to make the capsule respond. Fortunately, we were in good shape, and I had nothing to worry about so far as the capsule’s attitude was concerned. I knew, however, that the ride down was not one most people would want to try in an amusement park [19].

It was never widely reported, but there was a little high-drama occurring at that time away from Freedom 7. As revealed by Shepard in an interview with American Heritage Magazine in 1994, it began when Slayton cautiously asked Shepard if he could see the Redstone rocket. Some engineers had expressed concern that when he fired the retrorockets and slowed the spacecraft, the tumbling booster might actually catch up. He responded in the negative, but reasoned that the booster ought, by then, to be well below his altitude. And this was indeed the case. As the booster penetrated into the atmosphere it began to disintegrate. However, as Shepard related, there was an unex­pected near-miss. As the charred remains hurtled towards the ocean, sending violent shock waves through the air, this caused mounting terror for the crew of a freighter who saw a long object falling towards them. As they watched, the Redstone passed high over the ship and smashed heavily into the Atlantic just a few miles east of their posi­tion. The ship’s radio operator sent out an urgent distress call, the crew suspecting they might have witnessed the death plunge of an airplane. Fortunately, a radio engineer from NBC was on Grand Bahama Island that day, heard their call, and reassured the freighter’s crew that instead of a tragedy, they had witnessed the final moments of the rocket which carried America’s first astronaut into space [20].

Aboard Freedom 7, the build-up of gravity came swiftly as the spacecraft plunged through the atmosphere. Pressed ever harder into his contour couch, Shepard noted three, then six, then nine times the force of gravity. The load peaked at 11 g’s, which meant in Earth terms that he weighed close to a ton. “But I’d pulled eleven-g loads in the centrifuge, and I knew I could keep on working now.” [21]

Shepard never reached the point – as he often had during grueling hours spent on the Johnsville centrifuge – of having to exert the maximum effort simply to speak or even to breathe:

All the way down, as the altimeter spun through mile after mile of descent, I kept grunting out ‘O. K., O. K., O. K.,’ just to show them back in the Control Center how I was doing. The periscope had come back in automatically before the reen­try started. And there was nothing for me to do now but just wait for the final act to begin.

All through this period of falling, the capsule rolled around very slowly in a counterclockwise direction, spinning at a rate of about 10 degrees per second around its long axis. This was programmed to even out the heat and it did not bother me. Neither did the sudden rise in temperature as the friction of the air began to build up outside the capsule. The temperature climbed to 1,230 degrees Fahrenheit on the outer walls. But it never went above 100 degrees in the cabin or above 82 degrees in my suit [22].

Then, as the g-forces began to diminish at around 80,000 feet, Shepard switched from fly-by-wire mode back to autopilot. The altimeter was rapidly winding down, and showing 31,000 feet when Slayton’s voice assured Shepard that his impact site would be right on the money.

“Great news,” Shepard would later recall. “Flight computations were as close to perfect as could be, and so were the performances of the Redstone and the space­craft…. The Cape lay 300 miles to the northwest and with the diminishing altitude would soon be out of radio contact. I signed off with Deke, telling him I was going to the new frequency.

“‘Roger, Seven, read you switching to GBI [Grand Bahama Island].’

“He was eager to get the hell out of Mercury Control Center as fast as he could. I knew Gus would be right there with him, and the two of them would clamber into a NASA jet and burn sky to GBI so they could be on the ground waiting when I was delivered by helicopter from the recovery vessel.” [23]

A nation celebrates

Alan Shepard’s colleague Gus Grissom had monitored the liftoff of Freedom 7 from inside the Mercury Control Center at Cape Canaveral. As prearranged, once Grissom knew that the mission was underway he left the building to make a short flight across to Grand Bahama Island. Once there, and while everyone waited for Shepard to also reach the island, Grissom was asked by reporters to comment on how he felt seeing his buddy launched into space, and when he thought his own chance might come. “I’m very happy,” he said in reply. “You can underline that. I wanted to be the one chosen for this shot and I certainly want to be chosen the next time. Everything went per­fectly, just like we practiced it a thousand times.” [1]

Freedom 7 events and trajectory

The sequence of events on the MR-3 mission occurred according to plan, while the actual trajectory flown was very close to the nominal calculated trajectory.

In the first table below, the sequence of major events show the planned and actual times at which they occurred. The second table lists actual and planned trajectory parameters.

Event

Planned Time

Actual Time

Booster Cut-Off

02:23.1

02:21.8

Tower Release

02:23.1

02:22.0

Tower Escape Rocket Fire

02:23.1

02:22.2

Capsule Separation

02:33.1

02:32.3

Time of Retro-fire Sequence

04:41.5

04:44.7

Retro-attitude Comm. Relay

04:41.5

04:44.7

Retro #1 Fire

05:11.5

05:14.1

Retro #2 Fire

05:16.5

05:18.8

Retro #3 Fire

05:21.5

05:23.6

Retro-package Jettison

06:10.5

06:13.6

.05 g Relay

07:43.0

07:48.2

Drogue Chute Deploy

09:36.0

09:38.1

Main Chute Deploy

10:14.3

10:14.8

Antenna Fairing Release

10:14.3

10:14.8

Main Chute Disconnect

14:47.7

15:22.0

Note: With the exception of Redstone booster cutoff, all events on the MR-3 flight were determined from commutated data. Thus the events could vary from the above times by as much as +0 to -0.8 seconds.

Quantity

Planned

Actual

Range (N. M)

256.3

263.1

Maximum Altitude (N. M.)

100.3

101.2

Maximum Exit Dynamic Pressure lb/sq ft

598

586

Maximum Exit Longitudinal Load Factor, g

6.3

6.3

Maximum Reentry Dynamic Pressure lb/sq ft

591

605

Maximum Reentry Longitudinal Load Factor, g

10.8

11.0

Period of Weightlessness (Min:Sec)

04:53

05:04

Note: N. M. = nautical miles

MR-1A FLIES

Within a week, a new test flight had been scheduled and designated MR-1A. While a replacement Redstone rocket would be used, it was felt that since Spacecraft No. 2 was still in good condition, after a little renovation it could be reused on the MR-1A mission with an antenna fairing borrowed from another capsule and straddled by a replacement escape tower.

Although some damage had occurred to the Redstone booster’s tail assembly, engi­neers agreed that it could be refurbished. It was therefore crated up and shipped off to the Marshall Space Flight Center in Huntsville, where it was held in reserve until the conclusion of the Mercury-Redstone program. However, the MR-1 rocket would never actually be used and was placed on display at Space Orientation Center there.

On 8 December 1960, Spacecraft No. 2 was hoisted upward for a second mating with a Redstone launch vehicle at Cape Canaveral. It was essentially the same 2,400- pound capsule, apart from a few replacement parts and some minor modifications in areas such as the launch escape tower and the parachute deployment system.

As before, the pre-flight testing proceeded very smoothly and, with everything in order, the launch was set for 19 December. Early that morning, strong winds gusting to 150 knots aloft obliged a 40-minute hold. Next, a leak in a high-pressure nitrogen peroxide solenoid valve in the capsule caused another delay of 3 hours 15 minutes [11].

Separation Ring Adapter

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MR-1A FLIES

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Rocket Engine Fins

Rudders Jet Vanes

A schematic drawing of the Mercury-Redstone launch vehicle. (Photo: NASA)

Spacecraft No. 2 at the Lewis Research Center prior to its move to Cape Canaveral. (Photo: NASA)

 

MR-1A FLIES

As on previous launches, the seven Mercury astronauts somewhat apprehensively looked on as the 83-foot stack of the escape tower, spacecraft, and booster lifted off from Pad 5 of Launch Complex 56 at 11.15 a. m. (EST). Two of the astronauts, Deke Slayton and Gus Grissom, were observing from the cockpits of their airborne F-106 jets, ready to follow the ground track of the Redstone for a short time and hopefully photograph the capsule descending on its parachute over the recovery area.

This time everything went smoothly; following the ignition command issued from the blockhouse, smoke billowed from beneath the rocket and MR-1A lifted slowly off its pedestal into a clear sky, accelerating as it climbed. A brilliant trail of flame traced the sleek Redstone’s course as it streaked up and tilted toward the southeast, out over the Atlantic Missile Range. Seconds later, Slayton and Grissom ripped over the Cape in their F-106s, flying in the same direction at nearly twice the speed of sound. Observers at the Cape could just make out the booster shutdown and capsule separa­tion 143 seconds after launch.

Throughout the capsule’s flight all of the systems functioned well, although the booster’s velocity was 260 feet per second faster than expected at around 4,200 miles an hour, causing it to ascend seven miles higher than the predicted 128 miles. This, and high tail winds of almost 100 m. p.h., caused the separated spacecraft to travel 15 miles further downrange than expected. NASA said the bell-shaped capsule floated down by parachute into the ocean about 16 minutes after liftoff. It was first spotted approximately 90 miles northeast of Grand Bahama Island and eight miles from the prime recovery vessel, the aircraft carrier USS Valley Forge (CV-45).

The helicopter recovery pilots were Lt. Wayne Koons of Lyons, Kansas and Capt. Allen Daniel, Jr., of Greenwood, Mississippi. Both were members of Marine Air Group 252, which was based at Jacksonville, North Carolina. Their H-34 left the Valley Forge and flew over to the floating capsule, hooked on to its recovery loop, and hoisted it from the sea at 11.46 a. m., 31 minutes after it was launched. They flew back to the ship with their precious cargo and carefully deposited it on the carrier’s flight deck at 12.03 p. m.

Following the successful recovery operation, the Valley Forge steamed to a point off Cape Canaveral within several hundred yards of the test center, then Koons and Daniel lifted the capsule and delivered it to the test center. It would later be taken to Langley Field, Virginia to be studied by technicians, engineers and scientists.

A preliminary examination revealed only minor damage to the spacecraft. The painted letters “United States” on the side had been slightly scorched by the 600-degree heat of reentry. One of the three thicknesses of glass on a small side porthole was broken, but a NASA official suggested to reporters that this could have occurred dur­ing the recovery operation. As if to demonstrate it was still functioning well after its flight into space, a bright flashing light designed to aid recovery still winked atop the nine-foot capsule.

The Director of NASA’s Marshall Space Flight Center, Wernher von Braun, was delighted by the successful flight, and said that “everything was right on the money.” Meanwhile Robert Gilruth, in charge of the Space Task Group, called the launch an “unqualified success.” However, he cautioned that it did not indicate an immediate

MR-1A FLIES

A successful launch begins the MR-1A mission. (Photo: NASA)

MR-1A FLIES

After a successful recovery, the unmanned MR-1A capsule is safely deposited on the deck of the USS Valley Forge. (Photo: Associated Press)

 

MR-1A FLIES– f

On 19 December 1960 U. S. Marine helicopter crew Capt. Allen K. Daniel, Jr. (left) and 1st. Lt. Wayne Koons plucked the unmanned MR-1A capsule from the Atlantic after a successful 16-minute ballistic test of its systems. (Photo: Associated Press)

readiness to send a man into space. He said more flights would be needed to qualify the reliability and operation of the system, and that the next launch, expected within a month or two, might carry a chimpanzee [12].

The performance required of the Redstone rocket for the first phase of the manned space flight program had been established. It had demonstrated both the reliability and the performance needed to place the Mercury spacecraft safely into a suborbital tra­jectory. However, as McDonnell Pad Leader Guenter Wendt pointed out, even as their proficiency and confidence grew in safely launching rockets, there remained a great many lessons to be learned.

“All the rules changed quite a bit. At the same time, there was a lot of stuff we just plain didn’t know. No one had done it before. For example, we had an escape rocket on top of the capsule. It was neatly protected with plastic that we had wrapped around it. It was great to keep the rain out. Then one day we had some Air Force people who had a satellite in a spin test facility – they spun the satellite while it was wrapped in plastic, then upwrapped it – and the satellite blew up. Static electricity. The Air Force told us the kind of plastic they’d used. It was the same kind I used on the escape rocket. Whoops! This is when you learn the hard way.” [13]

THE URGE TO FLY

In his youth, Shepard developed a fascination with flying. One momentous day the family flew to Boston from Grenier Field, an Army Air Force base in Manchester. From then on he began haunting the airfield, about eight miles from home, watching airplanes take off and land, and later doing small helpful jobs around the hangars. He made dozens of model planes and read every book on flying that he could find, his favorite being a well-thumbed copy of Charles Lindbergh’s epic, We.

“He loved science, too,” his mother recalls. “Oh, and he had a boy-like interest in Buck Rogers and some of the science fiction. But in school he developed a serious interest in the subject and worked hard at it. He did extremely well in mathematics, and this helped him immensely.” [7]

After junior high, Shepard went on to get his secondary education at the Pinkerton Academy in Derry, where he would complete grades 9-12. Ivan Hackler, who taught Shepard, recalled that his student had a keen interest in science as a youngster. “A good student and a boy extremely well-liked,” Hackler said. “He was a good athlete, particularly in baseball and football.” [8]

THE URGE TO FLY

A recent photo of Pinkerton Academy. (Photo courtesy of Brian Chirichiello)

Outside of school hours, Shepard would deliver newspapers on his bicycle and attend Sunday school at the East Derry church, where his father was the organist.

“I was raised, if not exactly in an atmosphere of aviation, at least in the midst of mechanical things,” he revealed in the Mercury astronauts’ book, We Seven. “I had a five-horsepower outboard motor which I used to take apart and put back together again. And I often helped my father when he had things to tinker with – as you usually do in a small farming town. When I was in high school, a friend of mine and I used to cycle out to the airport… and do odd jobs around the hangar in exchange for a chance to take rides in an airplane now and then.” [9]

From East Derry he went to school for the next year at the Admiral Farragut Academy in Toms River, New Jersey, specifically to help prepare for enrollment at the U. S. Naval Academy at Annapolis. He took with him a letter from his Pinkerton his­tory teacher which spoke of his “good abilities” and “qualities of leadership.” The Farragut records reveal that Shepard had a genius level IQ of 145, as proved by his solid marks in geometry and mathematics, but he did tend to lag a little in English. Noting this, his father wrote to the academy, suggesting he would appreciate it if a little more pressure could be placed on his son to do more studying. This obviously

THE URGE TO FLY

Alan Shepard second from left in back row, taken at Pinkerton Academy in 1938. (Photo: Shepard family)

worked, as Shepard passed the entrance exam the following year at Annapolis with a 3.7 in math and a 3.3 in English out of possible perfect scores of 4. The Farragut Academy year-book recorded of him, “he speaks words of truth and soberness.” [10]

He entered the Naval Academy as a 17-year-old “plebe” in 1941 and was whisked through the school at the wartime-accelerated pace, graduating with his bachelor of science degree a year earlier than the normal four-year term in 1944. The Academy’s Professor George Beneze remembers Shepard for having a keen interest in aviation, pursuing associated subjects such as internal combustion and thermodynamics with zeal. “He asked a lot of questions, and was interested in what was going on in the laboratory,” Beneze said. “You could depend on him.” Classmates of Shepard at the Academy recall him as being energetic and aggressive. Among other activities, he rowed on the varsity crew in the bow seat. The story is that the coaches wanted to move him from that position because he was too light, but Shepard refused to move, declaring, ‘I want to be first.’” [11]

On 3 March 1945 he married Louise Brewer, whom he had met while attending the Naval Academy. They would eventually have two daughters Laura and Julie, and also raise a niece, Alice, as part of their family.

“The Navy had a rule that even prospective flyers had to go to sea first,” Shepard reflected, “so I spent some time on a destroyer [USS Cogswell (DD-651)] in the Pacific during the closing days of World War II. I took flight training at the Navy schools at Corpus Christi and Pensacola, Florida. Then I served in a fighter squadron that was based at Norfolk and made two cruises aboard carriers in the Mediterranean during 1948 and 1949.

“My flying career really got going in 1950 when I was still a lieutenant, junior grade, and was lucky enough to be chosen to attend the Navy Test Pilot School at Patuxent River. This was a real plum, especially for a junior officer.” [12]

THE URGE TO FLY

Alan Shepard as a U. S. Naval Academy “plebe.” (Photo: USNA)

His parents were delighted with their son’s latest achievement, as his mother Renza declared in a 1962 interview. “After Alan went on to the Naval Academy and took up the career of his dreams – being a pilot – he still missed his lovely New Hampshire. Many times he’d fly home, if only for a day. Sometimes he wouldn’t be able to stop and see us, but he would buzz the house in his Navy fighter and we’d know who it was!” [13]

After graduating from Test Pilot School, Shepard stayed on at the Patuxent River Naval Air Station for a further two years, testing and aiding in the development of a number of highly powered Navy aircraft, such as the F-3H Demon, F-8U Crusader, F-4D Skyray, and F-11F Tigercat. A skilled pilot, he took over as Project Test Pilot on the F-5D Skylancer.

Among his many achievements as a Navy test pilot, Shepard says he “helped to develop the Navy’s in-flight refueling system and was involved in testing the first angled deck on a U. S. Navy carrier… I was operations officer for a while in a night – fighter squadron that operated off the West Coast, and served aboard a carrier in the Pacific from 1953 to 1956.” [14]

In 1958, following more flight-test and instruction work at Patuxent River, he was assigned to the Naval War College of Newport, Rhode Island in order to brush up on a number of academic subjects. Next, Shepard joined the staff of the Commander in Chief, Atlantic Fleet, as aircraft readiness officer.

The following year, an opportunity came his way that he found hard to resist. He had read articles on NASA’s space program in newspapers and knew that the space agency would soon be recruiting a cadre of test pilots that they had begun calling “astronauts”, meaning voyagers to the stars. Shepard knew that aviation was coming to an inevitable crossroad and space flight was the way of the future. He felt it would give him the chance not only to be regarded as a top pilot, but also as a space pilot, or astronaut. He was certainly qualified from all that he had read, and was ready to be called.

“I assumed they’d probably be looking me up and asking me if I was interested. As it turned out, they were doing just that. But the orders got misplaced somewhere – they wound up on someone else’s desk for a few days – and I was beginning to wonder if I had been overlooked or disqualified. The orders finally came asking me to report for the first briefings, and I was delighted. I had a long talk with my wife that night, dis­cussing what I should do if I were selected. Finally, Louise said, ‘Why are you asking me? You know you will do it, anyway.’ Louise had always been in complete support of what I had done, and I knew she was behind me now.” [15]