Adaptive Controls
The X-15-3 featured specialized flight instrumentation and displays that rendered it particularly suitable for high-altitude flight research. A key element was the Minneapolis Honeywell MH-96 “adaptive” flight control system originally developed for the X-20 Dyna-Soar. This system automatically compensated for the airplane’s behavior in various flight regimes, combining the aerodynamic control surfaces and the reaction controls into a single control package. This was obviously the way future high-speed aircraft and spacecraft would be controlled, but the technology of the 1960s were severely taxed by the requirements for such a system.
By the end of 1963, the X-15-3 had flown above 50 miles altitude. This was the altitude that the Air Force recognized as the minimum boundary of space flight, and five Air Force pilots were awarded Astronaut Wings for their flights in the X-15.4* All but one of these flights was with X-15-3 (Astronaut Joe Engle’s first space flight was in Х-15-t). NASA did not recognize the 50 mile criteria, using the international 62 mile standard instead. Only a single NASA pilot went this high; Joe Walker set a record for winged space flight by reaching 354,200 feet (67 miles), a record that stood until the orbital flight of Columbia nearly two decades later. By mid-1967, the X-15-3 had completed sixty-four research flights, twenty-one at altitudes above 200,000 feet. It became the primary aircraft for carrying experiments to high altitude.
The X-15-3 would also make the most tragic flight of the program. At 10:30 in the morning on 15 November 1967, the X-15-3 dropped away from the NB-52B at 45,000 feet over Delamar Dry Lake. At the controls was Major Michael J. Adams, making his seventh X-15 flight. Starting his climb under full power, he was soon passing through 85,000 feet. Then an electrical disturbance distracted him and slightly degraded the control of the aircraft; having adequate backup controls, Adams continued on. At 10:33 he reached a peak altitude of 266,000 feet. In the NASA 1 control room, mission controller Pete Knight monitored the mission with a team of engineers. As the X-15 climbed, Adams started a planned wing-rocking maneuver so an on-board camera could scan the horizon. The wing rocking quickly became excessive, by a factor of two or three. At the conclusion of the wing-rocking portion of the climb, the X-15 began a slow drift in heading; 40 seconds later, when the aircraft reached its maximum altitude, it was off heading by 15 degrees. As Adams came over the top, the drift briefly halted, with the airplane yawed 15 degrees to the right. Then the drift began again; within 30 seconds, Adams was descending at right angles to the flight path. At 230,000 feet, encountering rapidly increasing dynamic pressures, the X-15 entered a Mach 5 spin.47
In the NASA 1 control room there was no way to monitor heading, so nobody suspected the true situation that Adams now faced. The controllers did not know that the airplane was yawing, eventually turning completely around. In fact, Knight advised Adams that he was “a little bit high,” but in “real good shape.” Just 15 seconds later, Adams radioed that the aircraft “seems squirrely.” At 10:34 came a shattering call: “I’m in a spin, Pete.” Plagued by lack of heading information, the control room staff saw only large and very slow pitching and rolling motions. One reaction was “disbelief; the feeling that possibly he was overstating the case.” But Adams again called out, “I’m in a spin.” As best they could, the ground controllers sought to get the X-15 straightened out. There was no recommended spin recovery technique for the X-15, and engineers knew nothing about the aircraft’s
realizing that the X-15 would never make Rogers Dry Lake, went into afterburner and raced for the emergency lakes; Ballarat and Cuddeback. Adams held the X-15’s controls against the spin, using both the aerodynamic control surfaces and the reaction controls. Through some combination of pilot technique and basic aerodynamic stability, the airplane recovered from the spin at 118,000 feet and went into an inverted Mach 4.7 dive at an angle between 40 and 45 degrees.48
Adams was in a relatively high altitude dive and had a good chance of rolling upright, pulling out, and setting up a landing. But now came a technical problem; the MH-96 began a limit-cycle oscillation just as the airplane came out of the spin, preventing the gain changer from reducing pitch as dynamic pressure increased. The X-15 began a rapid pitching motion of increasing severity, still in a dive at 160,000 feet per minute, dynamic pressure increasing intolerably. As the X-15 neared 65,000 feet, it was diving at Mach 3.93 and experiencing over 15-g vertically, both positive and negative, and 8-g laterally.
The aircraft broke up northeast of the town of Johannesburg 10 minutes and 35 seconds after launch. A chase pilot spotted dust on Cuddeback, but it was not the X-15. Then an Air Force pilot, who had been up on a delayed chase mission and had tagged along on the X-15 flight to see if he could fill in for an errant chase plane, spotted the main wreckage northwest of Cuddeback. Mike Adams was dead; the X-15-3 destroyed.49
NASA and the Air Force convened an accident board. Chaired by NASA’s Donald R. Bellman, the board took two months to prepare its report. Ground parties scoured the countryside looking for wreckage; critical to the investigation was the film from the cockpit camera. The weekend after the accident, an unofficial FRC search party found the camera; disappointingly, the film cartridge was nowhere in sight. Engineers theorized that the film cassette, being lighter than the camera, might be further away, blown north by winds at altitude. FRC engineer Victor Horton organized a search and on 29 November, during the first pass over the area, Willard E. Dives found the cassette.
Most puzzling was Adams’ complete lack of awareness of major heading deviations in spite of accurately functioning cockpit instrumentation. The accident board concluded that he had allowed the aircraft to deviate as the result of a combination of distraction, misinterpretation of his instrumentation display, and possible vertigo. The electrical disturbance early in the flight degraded the overall effectiveness of the aircraft’s control system and further added to pilot workload. The MH-96 adaptive control system then caused the airplane to break up during reentry. The board made two major recommendations: install a telemetered heading indicator in the control room, visible to the flight controller; and medically screen X-15 pilot candidates for labyrinth (vertigo) sensitivity.5" As a result of the X-15 ’s crash, the FRC added a ground – based “8 ball” attitude indicator in the control room to furnish mission controllers with real time pitch, roll, heading, angle of attack, and sideslip information.
Mike Adams was posthumously awarded Astronaut Wings for his last flight in the X-15-3, which had attained an altitude of
266,0 feet—50.38 miles. In 1991 Adams’ name was added to the Astronaut Memorial at the Kennedy Space Center in Florida.
The X-15 program would only fly another eight missions. The X-15A-2, grounded for repairs, soon remained grounded forever. The X-15-1 continued flying, with sharp differences of opinion about whether the research results returned were worth the risk and expense.
A proposed delta wing modification to the X-15-3 had offered supporters the hope that the program might continue to 1972 or 1973. The delta wing X-15 had grown out of studies in the early 1960s on using the X-15 as a hypersonic cruise research vehicle.
Essentially, the delta wing X-15 would have made use of the third airframe with the adaptive flight control system, but also incorporated the modifications made to the X-15A-2— lengthening the fuselage, revising the landing gear, adding external propellant tanks, and provisions for a small-scale experimental ramjet. NASA proponents, particularly John Becker at Langley, found the idea very attractive since: “The highly swept delta wing has emerged from studies of the past decade as the form most likely to be utilized on future hypersonic flight vehicles in which high lift/drag ratio is a prime requirement i. e., hypersonic transports and military hypersonic cruise vehicles, and certain recoverable boost vehicles as well.”51
Despite such endorsement, support remained lukewarm at best both within NASA and the Air Force; the loss of Mike Adams and the X-15-3 effectively ended all thought of such a modification.
As early as March 1964, in consultation with NASA Headquarters, Brigadier General
James T. Stewart, director of science and technology for the Air Force, had determined to end the X-15 program by 1968.52 At a meeting of the Aeronautics/Astronautics Coordinating Board on 5 July 1966, it was decided that NASA should assume total responsibility for all X-15 costs (other than incidental AFFTC support) on 1 January 1968.51 This was later postponed one year. As it turned out, by December 1968 only the X-15-1 was still flying, and it cost roughly $600,000 per flight. Other NASA programs could benefit from this funding, and thus NASA did not request a continuation of X-15 funding after December 1968.54 During 1968 William Dana and Pete Knight took turns flying the X-15-1. On 24 October 1968, Dana completed the X-15’s 199th, and as it turned out the last, flight reaching Mach 5.38 at 255,000 feet. A total of ten attempts were made to launch the 200th flight, but a variety of maintenance and weather problems forced cancellation every time. On 20 December 1968, the X-15-1 was demated from the NB-52A for the last time. After nearly a decade of flight operations, the X-15 program came to an end.
The instrument panel of the X-15-3 with the MH-96 adaptive control system installed. The dark panel immediately ahead of the center control stick allowed the pilot to control how the MH-96 reacted.
(NASA photo E63-9834)