THE FIRST INDUSTRY CONFERENCE (1956)

The public law that established the NACA required the agency to disseminate information to the industry and the public. One of the methods used to accomplish this was to hold periodic conferences with representatives of the industry to discuss the results of research into specific areas. By the beginning of July, Hugh Dryden concluded there had been sufficient progress on the development of the X-15 to hold an industry conference at one of the NACA facilities in October.-411

Langley hosted the first Conference on the Progress of the X-15 Project on 25-26 October 1956, providing an interesting insight into the X-15 development effort. There were 313 attendees representing the Air Force, NACA, Navy, various universities and colleges, and most of the major aerospace contractors. Approximately 10% of the attendees were from various Air Force organizations, with the WADC contributing over half. Oddly, however, Air Force personnel made none of the presentations at the conference. The majority of the 27 authors of the 18 technical papers came from various NACA organizations (16), while the rest were from North American (9) and Reaction Motors (2). The papers confirmed a considerable amount of progress, but made it clear that a few significant problems still lay ahead.-42

Another paper summarized the results of tests in eight different wind tunnels. These tests were conducted at velocities between low subsonic speeds to Mach 6.9, somewhat in excess of the projected maximum speed of the airplane. One of the surprising findings was that the controversial fuselage tunnels generated nearly half of the total lift at high Mach numbers. However, another result confirmed the NACA prediction that the original fuselage tunnels would cause longitudinal instability. In subsequent testing, researchers shortened the tunnels ahead of the wing, greatly reducing the problem.-43

One of the more interesting experiments was "flying" small (3- to 4-inch) models in the hypervelocity free-flight facility at Ames. The models, which were made of cast aluminum, cast bronze, or various plastics, were fragile. Despite this, the goal was to shoot the model out of a gun at tremendous speeds in order to observe shock-wave patterns across the shape. As often as not, what researchers saw were pieces of X-15 models flying down the range sideways. Fortunately, enough of the models remained intact for them to acquire meaningful data.-444

THE FIRST INDUSTRY CONFERENCE (1956)

The hypervelocity free-flight facility at NACA Ames fired small (3-4-inch-long) models of the X – 15 to observe shock-wave patterns. It was more of an art than a science to get the models to fly forward and not break apart, but enough survived to gain significant insight into shock patterns surrounding the X-15. (NASA)

Other papers dealt with the ability of the pilot to fly the airplane. Pilots had flown the preliminary exit and reentry profiles using fixed-base simulators at Langley and North American. Alarmingly, the pilots found that the airplane was nearly uncontrollable without damping and only marginally stable during some maneuvers with dampers. A free-flying model program at the PARD showed that low-speed stability and control were adequate. Since some aerodynamicists had questioned the use of the rolling tail instead of ailerons, free-flying models had investigated that feature, proving that the rolling tail would provide the necessary lateral control.[45]

Researchers also reported on the state of the structural design. Preliminary estimates showed that the airplane would encounter critical loads during the initial acceleration and during reentry, but would experience maximum temperatures only during the latter. Because of this, the paper primarily dealt with the load-temperature relationships anticipated for reentry. The selection of Inconel X was justified based on its strength and favorable creep characteristics at 1,200°F. The leading edge would use a bar of Inconel X, since that portion of the wing acted as a heat sink. This represented a radical change from the fiberglass leading edge originally proposed by North American. In another major change, the leading edge of the wing was no longer easily removable, although this fact seemed to escape the attention of most everybody in attendance, particularly Harry Goett from Ames.[46]

The main landing gear brought its own concerns. Originally, it consisted of two narrow skids attached to the fuselage under the front part of the wing and stowed externally along the side tunnels during flight. When unlocked, the skis fell into the down position, with help from airflow and a bungee. Further analysis indicated that the X-15 would land more nose-high than expected, and that the rear fuselage would likely strike the ground before the skids. A small tail – skid had been proposed, but this was found to be inadequate. In its place, engineers moved the skids aft to approximately the leading edge of the vertical stabilizers, solving the ground-strike problem. However, the move introduced a new concern. Now the nose-down rotation after main – skid contact would be particularly jarring, placing a great deal of stress on the pilot and airframe. In fact, it would lead directly to one early landing accident and be a source of problems throughout the flight program. Nobody had a suitable solution.[47]

The expected acceleration of the X-15 presented several unique human-factor concerns early in the program. It was estimated that the pilot would be subjected to an acceleration of up to 5 g. Because of this, North American developed a side-stick controller that used an armrest to support the pilot’s arm while still allowing full control of the airplane. Coupled with the fact that there were two separate attitude-control systems on the X-15, this resulted in a unique control-stick arrangement. A conventional center stick, similar to that installed in most fighter-type aircraft of the era, operated the aerodynamic control surfaces through the newly required stability augmentation (damper) system. Mechanical linkages connected a side-stick controller on the right console to the same aerodynamic control surfaces and augmentation system. The pilot could use either stick interchangeably, although the flight manual described the use of the center stick "during normal periods of longitudinal and vertical acceleration." Another side-stick controller above the left console operated the ballistic control system that provided attitude control at high altitudes. Describing one of the phenomena soon to be discovered in space flight, the flight manual warned that "velocity tends to sustain itself after the stick is returned to the neutral position. A subsequent stick movement opposite to the initial one is required to cancel the original attitude change." Isaac Newton was correct after all.[48]

THE FIRST INDUSTRY CONFERENCE (1956)

From the left, North American test pilot Alvin S. White, Air Force X-15 Project Pilot Captain Iven C. Kinchloe, and Scott Cross field discuss the design of the side stick controller for the new research airplane. The design of these controllers caused quite a bit of controversy early in the program, but the pilots generally liked them once they acclimated. Crossfield’s influence on the program showed early in the flight program when some pilots complained the configuration of the cockpit was tailored to Crossfield’s size and was not sufficiently adjustable to accommodate other pilots. Later modifications solved these issues. (Alvin S. White Collection)

Engineers had not firmly established the design for the X-15 side-stick controller, but researchers discussed previous experience with similar controllers in the Convair F-102, Grumman F9F, Lockheed TV-2, and North American YF-107A, as well as several ground simulators. The pilots who had used these controllers generally thought that the engineers needed to provide a more "natural" feel for the controllers.-49

Based largely on urgings from Scott Crossfield, the Air Force agreed to allow North American to use an ejection seat instead of a capsule system. The company had investigated four escape systems in depth, including cockpit capsules, nose capsules, a canopy-shielded seat, and a stable-seat with a pressure suit. Engineers had tried capsule-like systems before, most notably in the X-2, where the entire forward fuselage could be detached from the rest of the aircraft.

Douglas had opted for this approach in all of the D-558s and their X-15 proposal. Model tests showed that these were unstable and prone to tumble at a high rate of rotation, and they added weight and complexity to the aircraft. Their potential success rate was unknown at the time.-501

THE FIRST INDUSTRY CONFERENCE (1956)

North American performed a seemingly endless series of analyses to support their selection of an ejection seat over an encapsulated system. The company determined there was only a 2-percent likelihood of an accident occurring at high altitude or high speed, eliminating much of the perceived need for the complicated and heavy encapsulated system. The stabilized ejection seat, coupled with the David Clark Company full-pressure suit, provided meaningful ejection up to Mach 4 and 120,000 feet. (North American Aviation)

Surprisingly, an analysis by North American showed that only 2% of the accidents would occur at high altitude or speed. Because engineers expected most potential accidents to occur at speeds less than Mach 4, North American had decided to use a stable-seat with a pressure suit. The perceived benefits of this combination were its relative simplicity, high reliability, and light weight. North American acknowledged that the seat did not provide meaningful escape at altitudes above 120,000 feet or speeds in excess of Mach 4. However, the designers (particularly Scott Crossfield) believed that when the seat-suit combination was inadequate, the safest course of action was for the pilot to simply ride the airplane down to an altitude and velocity where the ejection seat could function successfully.-1511

Lawrence P. Greene, the chief of aerodynamics at North American, presented the final paper at the 1956 industry conference. This was an excellent summary of the development effort to date and a review of the major known problems. Researchers considered flutter to be a potential problem, largely because little experimental data regarding flutter at hypersonic Mach numbers were available, and there was a lack of basic knowledge on aero-thermal-elastic relationships. Greene pointed out that engineers had derived the available data on high-speed flutter from experiments conducted at less than Mach 3, and not all of it was applicable to the X-15. As it turned out, the program did encounter panel flutter during the early flights, leading to a change in the design criteria for high-speed aircraft.-152

Inconel X also presented a potential problem because fabrication techniques for large structures did not exist. By using various alloys of titanium, North American saved considerable weight in parts of the internal structure that were not subject to high temperatures. Titanium, while usable to only about 800°F, weighed much less than Inconel X. Ultimately, the requirements for processing and fabricating these materials influenced some aspects of the structural design. Inconel X soon stopped being a laboratory curiosity as the X-15 program developed techniques to form, machine, and heat-treat it.[53]

Overall, the conference was a success and disseminated a great deal of information to the industry, along with frank discussions about unresolved issues and concerns. It also provided a short break for the development team that had been working hard to meet an extremely ambitious schedule.